Salmon General

• Chum Salmon
• Coho Salmon
• Pink Salmon
• Sockeye Salmon
• Chinook Salmon
• Atlantic Salmon

Salmon General

It is reported that salmon was a principal source of food for many cultures including Indigenous Peoples of the Northwest Plateau [32], Southern Okanagan [114], Tlingit [115, 117], Carrier [116, 123], Southern British Columbia and Northern Washington (Prehistoric period), including the Obsidian and Queen Charlotte Strait cultures of the Kwakiutl (Kwakwaka'wakw) area [85], Siuslaw and Coosan [121], Coast Salish [33, 120], Indigenous Peoples of McLeod Lake and Stuart Lake [123], Penobscot [122], Han [118], Inuit (including Netchillirmiut, Central, Copper, Iglulik, Labrador and Western Greenland) and Yupik (Chugach, Nunivak) [119, 124]. Among the Norton culture of North Alaska (prehistoric period), salmon is reported to have been the principal fish consumed [69]. It is reported that cultures from Southeastern Alaska consumed salmon as early as 1 000 BC [79] and cultures from the Northwest Coast began using salmon as food as early as 8 000 BC [140].

Salmon is also said to be an important source of food for the Kitimat Haisla [125], Malecite [126], Kwakiutl [127], Nootka (Nuu-chah-nulth) [128, 129], Vuntut Gwich’in of Old Crow [130], Champagne and Aishihik [130], cultures from the central coast of British Columbia [131], cultures from southern British Columbia and northern Washington (Prehistoric period) including the Marpole, Strait of Georgia cultures [85], Mid-Columbia Indians [111] and cultures from the North Pacific coast [132]. Salmon fishing was an important economic activity for the Malecite [18], and was one of the most important sources of food for the Shuswap, especially those in close proximity to the Fraser River and Canyon [4, 5]. Salmon was an important and reliable source of food for the Southwest Alaskan Yupik, who consumed several different species [133, 137]. Archeological remains identifying human use found salmon from Oregon to Alaska [208].

More detailed information by culture is given in the sections below, grouped by geographic region.

Fishing

Cultures from the Northwest coast used various types of weirs such as those made from wood or stones. Other tools used to harvest salmon included traps made from baskets, “dip” nets, “seines” and “gill” nets, harpoons with detachable barbed heads (one or two heads, depending on the culture); line and hook (“angling”), and “gaffs” were introduced later on [30, 132]. Indigenous Peoples of British Columbia are reported to have used clubs, spears, harpoons, fish hooks, nets, and traps to fish for salmon [95].

Puget Sound Indigenous People used harpoons with detachable heads to fish for salmon. The shaft was made from cedar or fir, whereas the heads were made from ironwood and were attached to the harpoon with strings made of Indian hemp. The points were made from bone or antler, and a float was attached to the line [113]. Among the Coeur d’Alene, nets, weirs, and traps were used to catch salmon; dried salmon was sometimes traded with the Spokane [139].

The Okanagan of Washington State are reported to have caught salmon from June to October; they lived in summer camps built for salmon runs. A variety of fishing techniques were used, depending on the status of the fisherman as well as the season. Traps and weirs were sometimes used, spears were used in shallow waters; during winter, men used canoes, spears and night torches. Women performed small net fishing, making nets to catch salmon, including hand operated “dip” nets and larger nets. A “head man” was appointed by the chief and an elder to supervise, the building of the first weir by the whole community. The position of “head man” was selected very carefully to ensure a bountiful yield of fish. The weir was constructed of pinewood and the trap of chicken wire. A standing platform made from stone ensured easy access to the trapped salmon. Any member of the community was allowed to catch salmon from the weir using a club, spear or shotgun. During spawning, older women collected floating salmon, either from shore or in canoes. The Colville-Okanagan are reported to have dug up sand banks to collect salmon roe [1, 114].

The Southern Flathead used weirs or conical traps [39]. In the Plateau area, salmon was not common: they traveled to fish and/or trade with the Nez Percé and other Columbia River cultures [65]. The Kalispel fished in late July and August, using weirs, spears that were sometimes aided by torchlight, harpoons, hooks and lines, “seine” and “dip” nets, as well as a variety of traps, such as “stranding” and “basket” [64]. For the Nez Percé, salmon fishing occurred during the months of August and September, involving spears from a platform normally used for weirs and “leisters” used from canoes, while the Cayuse caught salmon with their hands. The Siuslaw and Coosan fished salmon from canoes, using harpoons, clubs, “dip” nets, traps and weirs [121].

The Chinookan of the Lower Columbia fished during the summer and fall, using “seine” or “dip” nets to catch larger species [88]. Mid-Columbia Indians caught salmon from early July to early October, using “gill” nets, “gaffs”, weirs, and “seines” that were maneuvered from the shore or from canoes [111]. They also collected salmon that had died after spawning. At Celilo and Kettle Falls, salmon fishing was controlled by the salmon chief, who opened or closed the fishing days and seasons. 

The Aht (Nootka) fished until November, usually at night in canoes with a spear and torch [128]. Also used were cylindrical traps made from cedar and hooks (traditionally made from wood and bone, but by the 1860s made of steel). The spears were made from pine and bone, with prongs attached, the number of which depending on where the fish was to be caught. The Nootka fished from canoes with hooks, lines made from whale sinew, and fish spat as bait [36]. They also caught salmon in weirs, and migrated to Tashees in fall to fish for them. Another source states that the Nootka fished during fall using spears or by trolling [34]. The Nootka also regarded salmon fishing as an important economic activity [129].

Coast Salish used a variety of nets to catch salmon, including “gill”, “dip”, and “reef’ nets dragged by canoes [33]. They also used weirs made of cedar, harpoons, “gaffs” and fished from canoes [49]. Weirs were reported to be commonly owned [25]. Once the salmon were trapped, they were caught using a harpoon, “dip” net, “gaff”, or sometimes a “leister” and killed with a club. For the Comox and perhaps the Sanetch, fish figures were carved into these clubs. Cylindrical traps woven in a manner similar to weirs were also used. Salmon harpoons were made from cedar, and had a double detachable head with a point made from bone. “Gaff” hooks were detachable from the shaft, and salmon roe was sometimes used as bait. Women participated in the fishing effort, and it was preferable to remain silent while fishing. The Cowichan and Nanaimo fished at night: women stabilized the canoe while the men fished. The Nanaimo also used dams paved with white stones. The Chilliwack used weirs and “leisters” to catch salmon [101].

The Kootenai fished for salmon from early spring until May, using basketry traps and weirs. In the Plateau region, they used harpoons with a single prong, and if fishing during the night, they used a torch to attract the fish [39, 63, 65].

Thompson (N'laka'pamux) fishing rights were owned by families, who used spears, night torches, weirs, as well as “dip” nets that in the Fraser and Thompson Rivers, were cast off of “dipping net platforms” [67]. Lower Thompson fished with “dip” nets mostly, sometimes spears, and sometimes harpoons, weirs and traps. If harpoons were used, they possessed a double prong. Upper Thompson used traps, weirs, spears and harpoons.

The Shuswap are reported to have caught salmon July and August with the use of weirs, wooden traps, single-pronged spears, “dip” nets, “gill” nets, clubs and fishing lines with hooks made from bone. When salmon were speared, the fishermen tired them by playing with their paddles in the water. Shuswap fishing grounds were owned by individuals, where salmon was caught by men and women. At times they fished with the neighbouring Cree, who were thought to have joined the Shuswap in a 1780s salmon supply conflict against the Sekani [2-5].

Salmon was reported to be available to the Lillooet all year round [136], however, other reports describe a summer and early fall harvest [7-9]. In the 1970s the Lillooet experienced a decrease in the amount of available salmon and as a result, salmon fishing was limited to a certain number of days per week. Lower Lillooet caught salmon with “trawl” nets hung to canoes, harpoons, or “basket” traps made from red cedar. Upper Lillooet used box-shaped traps made of pine or cylindrical-shaped ones made of willow, “dip” nets, “gaffs”, or weirs [9, 136]. “Dip” nets at specific fishing locations, or “fishing rocks” have also been described whereby each one was owned and used by an individual and his immediate family [7]. “Gill” nets and clubs have also been mentioned [3]. Fishing was mostly done by men among people from Mount Currie, who used traps, weirs, spears, nets, fishing lines and hooks. Spears had a number of prongs adapted depending on purpose: one or two for shore spearing, three for canoe spearing [65].

Chilcotin caught salmon with nets, weirs and traps, and sometimes used triple headed spears with points made from antler, copper, or bone [4, 9]. The Chilcotin were reported to have sometimes raided salmon from the Lillooet [136].

The Carrier used weirs, cone-shaped traps made from woven baskets, spears, “gaffs” and nets [116]. Salmon fishing occurred during summer using cylindrical traps and spears: the river bed was prepared before traps were installed, and trapped salmon were then speared [45]. The Carrier of Bulky River fished for salmon in July and August [96].

Salmon was available to the Southern Kwakiutl and Nuxalk from July through September, and were caught in the sea by trolling and in rivers by spearing [13]. The Haihais, Bella Bella (Hieltsuk) and Oowekeeno (Hieltsuk) caught salmon using weirs made of wood or stone, traps, “dip” nets, harpoons with two heads, as well as clubs [83]. The Bella Coola (Nuxalk) used weirs, traps, “dip” nets, single or double headed harpoons, and occasionally “gaffs” [84]. Traditionally, weirs were owned by groups of people, but with the introduction of new fishing methods towards the 19th century, weirs decreased in popularity and became individual rather than collective. Weirs were replaced with “gill” nets. Among the Kwakiutl, salmon fishing sites were owned by individuals and transferred by heredity or rights determined by a “numaym” membership [23]. For Kwakiutl, fishing was carried out by men [24], and in more modern times, they fished for commercial purposes, using commercial fishing gear [26]. It was also reported that they caught salmon with traps and weirs, with nets attached to two canoes, and sometimes using harpoons or two-pronged harpoons for deep-sea fishing [127]. Another report describes the Kwakiutl using “gaffs”, “dip” nets, and spears with two detachable heads of unequal length that were made of stone [21]. The Kitimat Haisla used dip nets to catch salmon [125].

Haida are reported to have harvested during spring and fall using “dip” nets, “drag” nets hung on canoes, “basket” traps, spears, weirs, or harpoons with heads made from bone [10, 105]. Tsimshian trolled for salmon in summer mainly during a specific species’s run, an important marker of seasonal activity [80, 81].

The Copper (Dene) used spears and darts to fish for salmon [100]. Salmon was caught by Dene during the fall, with “reef” nets, “seine” attached to two canoes, “dip” nets, hooks, weirs, traps, or by “trolling” [90].

The Cordilleran Athapaskan of the Stikine River fished for salmon using “gaffs”, whereas the Ingalik used “dip” nets and “drag” nets; the Ingalik fished during the spring and summer [16]. The Ahtna of Copper River also used “dip” nets to fish for salmon. The Ahtna moved to fishing camps during spring and summer, using many different methods to catch salmon: harpoons or spears were used where possible; women used “dip” nets for fishing and men built fences to force salmon into a convenient netting location [61]. The Ahtna often traded their salmon. The Tsetsaut [29], cultures from South Alaska and Northern British Columbia [110], the Inland Tlingit [117] and the Tagish [52] harvested salmon in summer. The Tutchone fished from May to October, using weirs, traps, and “leisters” [53]. Different species of salmon were available to the Ingalik, Tanana, Kolchan and cultures from the Yukon of the Alaska Plateau from late April to late September; fishing occurred at summer fishing camps [55]. The Upper Innoko of West-Central Alaska also migrated to catch salmon, along the Yukon River [57]. The Tanana fished using weirs, cylindrical-shaped traps and “dip” nets, sometimes using canoes to gain access to salmon [59]. The Koyukon caught salmon using traps, and weirs that were built by the entire community under the direction of a leader [60]. Women also fished for salmon using gill nets. Similarly, the Kolchan caught salmon with weirs or “set” nets [56]. Salmon was available to the Tlingit from spring through to mid-fall, and was caught by men only [115]. They used a variety of wooden traps, as well as “gaffs”, harpoons, canoes and night torches [135]. The Kutchin (Gwich’in) were reported to have fished from July to September and used weirs and basket-like traps, as well as dip nets [54]. The Chalkyitsik Kutchin used simple nets [17]. The Crow River Kutchin used weirs and cylindrical basket traps [138]. Kutchin from the Yukon Flats used basket traps and “dip” nets [16, 138]. Among the Chandalar Kutchin, those that moved to the Yukon Flats after European contact had access to salmon [46].

It has been reported that the Naknek of the Bering sea region (prehistoric period) [70], cultures from the Aleutian region at Izambek lagoon (prehistoric period) [71], and Pacific Inuit of Ocean Bay (prehistoric period) lived in summer camps to benefit from salmon runs. It is believed that they used traps and spears in their salmon pursuit [72]. Mainland Southwest Alaska Yupik are reported to have participated in salmon fishing using nets and traps during the prehistoric period; they were said to have moved to the permanent village in June to harvest salmon [74]. More recently, the Southwest Alaskan Yupik are reported to have fished for salmon in summer [133]. Chugach (Yupik) are reported to have fished from early May until mid September [38]. The Nunivak used weirs made from stone, traps, as well as harpoons [73]. The Norton Culture of North Alaska (prehistoric period) used nets to fish for salmon [69]. The Kotzebue Sound Inupiat are reported to have used “gill” nets, “dip” nets, or “seine” [75].

Circumpolar Indigenous Peoples, including Western Greenlanders and Central Inuit, caught salmon mainly during summer [124]. In contrast, Copper Inuit fished through the ice during winter. Among Central Inuit, salmon was caught in summer, with spears of three points (“kakivang”), hooks, baits (fish shapes carved in ivory), and sometimes nets [97]. For Inuit, both men and women fished by breaking holes in the ice and using hooks [98]. It is also reported that they used “gill” or “seine” nets, fishing salmon during the month of July [99]. Labrador Coast Inuit fished for salmon summer and winter [76]. They used weirs and three-pronged spears in summer, and in winter they fished with spears through holes cut in the ice. Inuit of Hopedale, Labrador used nets in winter, while lines and hooks were used in fall [108].

Among the Mi’kmaq, salmon fishing occurred from mid-March to mid June, and from early October to mid November [15]. It is also reported that salmon was available to the Micmac (Mi’kmaq) from mid-May through to mid-September [44]. They used a leister (three-pronged spear) with wooden prongs and a point made from bone, ivory or wood. Night fishing, one of their more productive methods, required a torch made from birch bark to attract the fish. Both men and women fished, but men maintained the fishing gear [42, 43].

The Montagnais (Innu) fished for salmon from canoes during the summer, from late June or early July onwards [50]. Spears were made by the men, with more modern ones fashioned with a barbed steel point and a shaft of wood. Bow and arrow was occasionally used as a traditional method, but rifles were sometimes implemented as well. In the 1960s, the torchlight method was still in use, but nets made from cord were bought from the store. The Naskapi (Innu) of Davis Inlet, Labrador, caught salmon in the summer for commercial purposes [62]. The Maliseet caught salmon at night with spears and torch light [66]. The Beothuk are reported to have fished from early June through to late August [47].

Iroquois men, excluding the Mohawk and Andaste, fished for salmon from September to November, migrating to the fishing village to take advantage of the salmon run [40]. The Lake Ontario Ojibwa (Anishinabek) fished from canoes [68]. The Credit River Ojibwa simply used spears. Eastern Abenaki caught salmon in the spring [58]. The Penobscot fished for salmon from June to August, using spears [122].

Preparation

People of the Northwest Plateau dried and smoked salmon before pounding and storing it underground; “pemmican” was also made from dried salmon, which they traded [32]. Cultures from the Northwest coast [14, 25] and the Northwest Plateau designated salmon preparation as the responsibility of women, who roasted it over a fire, either as salmon tails and backbones, skewered heads, or cut open on roasting tongs. Salmon was also dried by smoke or sun and wind, and was sometimes pounded to avoid extreme hardening. Smokehouses contained several fires that were managed to obtain the best possible product; the resulting smoked salmon was either canned or cooked, and eaten with eulachon oil. The main fish parts that were dehydrated for preservation were the flesh, backbone, roe and head. They used racks to smoke and dry salmon, and consumed fresh fish boiled [32]. Salmon roe was fermented into a cheese-like substance, and then was buried underground or stored in the stomach of a deer [14, 25]. It is believed that cultures from the Northwest coast began using preserving salmon 2 000 years ago, either by drying or smoking it [140].

Although not every Kalispel individual consumed salmon, it was prepared in a variety of ways: either fresh, boiled using hot stones, dried, or smoked [64]. Flathead are reported to have preferred sun-drying the fish over smoking [39, 65].

Among the Chinookan of Lower Columbia, salmon was consumed fresh or smoked, salmon roe was consumed dried, and dried salmon was traded [88].

The Interior Salish steamed salmon in ovens dug into the earth [103]. Salmon was eaten fresh by People of the Fraser Valley if it was caught in winter, and was dried when caught in summer or fall [101]. It was also smoked, and its heads were roasted then dried, and used to make a soup. Salmon was stored in caches made of wood to keep it safe from moisture. Salmon preparation was performed by Kutenai women; fish was sun-dried, not smoked [39, 65].

The Gulf of Georgia Salish consumed salmon dried, as well as its roe, which was dried according to local customs [102]. Salmon bones were usually thrown back into the river, with the exception of the Cowichan.

The Aht (Nootka) consumed dried and smoked salmon, as well as fresh salmon that were steamed on hot stones, and smoked roe. Dried heads and tails, and the backbone with a large amount of meat attached were also consumed. Nootka also consumed fermented salmon and salmon roe [32]. Salmon was reported to have been used along the Fraser River for oil; the Coast Salish of the Fraser River obtained salmon oil by exposing an entire fish to the sun and allowing it to decay in a container made of wood [14, 25]. The Nootka consumed salmon fresh or dried, using oil with dried fish [36]. Preparation was done by slaves, who cooked salmon heads, fins, and tails with steam by pouring water over hot stones covered by leaves or branches of pine. Salmon was hung in the house to dry. Salmon roe was roasted and fermented dried or fresh; fermented roe (“Quakamiss”) was considered a delicacy. They used their fingers to eat, and oil was served in shells. Another report stated that salmon was stored for later use [34]. The Coast Salish also consumed dried salmon as an important food source, dipped in oil that was served in clam shells [49]. Salmon was soaked in the river before being dried, and then was smoked in a smokehouse. Dried salmon was eaten as is, soaked and heated, or boiled. Fresh salmon was cooked directly on hot stones or roasted on a stick with the heat from hot stones. Heads, tails, bones and fins were consumed fresh, either boiled in a wooden box with hot stones or roasted. The fish were cut with a knife made from slate, bone, or shell. Salmon roe was consumed, and was stored in bladders to dry, except in the north, where wooden boxes were used. Neither salmon roe nor female salmon were consumed during the early part of the season to preserve the number of available fish, and salmon was never given to the dogs. Another report of the Coast Salish showed that they only consumed salmon flesh, either dried or smoked [120]. Another report showed that among the Coast Salish, salmon was prepared by women, who dried and stored it in “caches” [33]. The Nootka smoked, dried or boiled salmon, either whole or with the head, tail and fins cut off [35]. Boiling was done by the hot stones method, and the head, fins, and tail were steamed. Salmon roe was usually consumed roasted. Southern Kwakiutl and Nuxalk boiled salmon in boxes or roasted it in ditches [13].  

The Nuxalk dried salmon in a jerky-like fashion, called “sluq”, as well as consumed fermented salmon roe (“mutsi”) [12].

The Southern Okanagan stored and consumed spawned salmon on poles with no head, tail or backbone [114]. Fresh salmon was preferred over dried salmon, and was roasted. Dried salmon was roasted or boiled, whereas smoked salmon was only boiled. Women dried the fish on racks, stored it in bags made from hemp, and kept it from one to three years. Roasting was done on sticks over an open fire; recovering the fish oil produced during cooking. Boiling was done using hot stones and containers made of bark. Salmon heads were consumed dried or fresh, whereas its eyes were always cooked. Salmon was occasionally stored as “pemmican”, but without berries. Salmon parts (flesh, head, and eggs) were stored separate from each other. A “First Salmon Ceremony” took place over four days, where a skilled man chosen by the “head man”, usually himself, was given the honor of performing a ritual butchering. The entrails were kept for the final feast, while the head, tail, roe, male testes, and strips of flesh were put on a stick. The flesh was roasted over a fire, with the oil not recovered. The “head man” received the first portion of salmon, and the male testes were eaten at the end of the ceremony. Women were not allowed to eat salmon until the first salmon ceremony was complete. All refuses were kept, boiled with serviceberries, and kept for later use in case of a famine, or “T’simrai’wi”. Among the Okanagan, salmon was cooked on a stick, and was also dried and smoked [1]. The head, tail, gill, and bones were used to make a soup, and a special treat was made using the entrails, backbone blood, and Saskatoon berries. Salmon was consumed at feasts.

The Lillooet used salmon oil that was extracted by boiling the fish with hot stones [136]. The fish was dried by Upper Lillooet, and was consumed as is, boiled, roasted, or sometimes pulverized and mixed with berries. Lower Lillooet smoked salmon. Salmon roe was consumed, either dried by sun or smoke, or fermented. Fermentation occurred underground in bark baskets, and was then boiled before consumption. Another report of Lillooet salmon preparation showed that it was dried by the wind on racks and stored in caches for winter use [7]. They also consumed boiled salmon using hot stones placed in natural rock cavities. Salmon oil was recovered by boiling salmon with fish heads, and was stored in salmon skin. It was used to make “pemmican”-like fish preserve that was mixed with Saskatoon berries. Salmon roe was packed in birch bark vessels and stored underground to allow for fermentation. Cultures from Mount Currie designated fish preparation as women’s responsibility, whereas the smoking fire was maintained by children. Salmon was smoked on racks over a fire made from red alder wood, and was stored in caches. By the 1970s, salmon was stored in a freezer. The Lillooet were also reported to have extracted oil from salmon by boiling, as well as drying it for winter preservation [8, 9].

Shuswap women also dried salmon by roasting the flesh on a stick over an open fire [2, 3]. They fermented salmon roe underground for two weeks; the resulting liquid was sometimes boiled. It is also reported that they dried salmon by the sun, wind, by hot indoor air, or by smoking it, and used salmon oil, which was stored in salmon skins [4, 5]. Salmon roe was packed in bark and stored underground. It is reported that at some point, the Shuswap took over the Lillooet salmon supply.

Whereas Lillooet and Shuswap consumed dried or fresh salmon [3], Spuzzum (Fraser Canyon) dried salmon [112]. Among the Lillooet and Shuswap, salmon with a lower fat content were chosen for drying, because fatty salmon became rancid over time. Salmon was dried on racks made from fir and stabilized with rocks, nails, or wires. Racks were installed with an orientation that took advantage of the wind. Salmon was salted to repel flies, and all parts that contained fly eggs were disposed of. Dried salmon was sometimes ground with a stone and mixed with salmon oil and Saskatoon berries. Dried salmon was stored in underground caches; it was packed in birch bark to avoid humidity, grass and pine needles prevented mice from entering and juniper berries were used to repel insects. Salmon heads were consumed fresh, and when dried for storage, they were roasted first to avoid rancidity. Salmon oil was extracted by boiling mainly salmon heads, as well as roe and insides, and then was stored in salmon skins. Salmon roe was dried for preservation, allowed to ferment, and then stored underground in birch baskets. Fermented roe was stewed with tiger lily roots, wild potatoes and dried Saskatoon berries. Salmon bones were also consumed. Alpine cultures dried salmon to feed hunters when they were out hunting, and cultures from the River Valley dried salmon on racks that were owned by a single family. Fresh salmon was roasted in an oven dug into the earth that belonged to three or four families.
Thompson air-dried the fish and boiled it in ditches to extract its oil [67]. Before salmon was consumed, the Thompson of British Columbia sometimes soaked it for several days to let it ferment before cooking [94]. One method of preparing this soaked fish was by mashing it with a rock or wooden tool, and frying it in a fat mixture. They also consumed the tails roasted over fire. The Thompson are also reported to have used elevated caches to store salmon.

The Kwakiutl dried or roasted their salmon, and most often accompanied it with oil [22]. Dried salmon was consumed roasted, soaked (sometimes directly in the river) then sometimes boiled with a kettle or fire, or eaten as is. Half dried salmon and preserved salmon heads were consumed boiled, and “split back” salmon was eaten as is, dipped in oil. Baked dried salmon was consumed for breakfast, and sometimes, spoons were used to eat the fish. Salmon heads were steamed in a pit of hot stones with water poured over, and then consumed on top of and covered with skunk cabbage leaves. Salmon roe was consumed dried with salmonberry sprouts or fern roots- if not it was believed that one would feel sick. Fresh salmon roe was roasted on a hot stone. Salmon was sometimes shared during a feast amongst friends, invited by the man with the permission of his wife. On some occasions, the husband would participate in the cooking. The guests sang songs while the food was being prepared. Other reports of the Kwakiutl showed that they consumed salmon roe dried, accompanied with oil [127], and that they traditionally used a smokehouse to smoke salmon for storage [26]. Salmon was also roasted over the fire, sun-dried or more recently stove-dried, and smoked in a smokehouse [24]. They consumed it silently, dipped in eulachon oil, using their fingers. Another report showed the Kwakiutl dried salmon for preservation, and was cooked over the fire before being consumed [27]. Fresh salmon was roasted over a fire on a spit or a thong, steamed on rocks, or boiled. Salmon roe was consumed roasted or fresh, and oil was recovered from roasting salmon. The Chilcotin obtained most of their fish from trades with the Bella Coola and the Shuswap, processing it for storage.

The Kitimat Haisla preserved fish by drying it under the sun or smoking it [125]. They also boiled it in wooden containers or baskets, using the hot stones method.

Among the Haida, women prepared the fish, drying them via sun or smoke, then storing them in baskets made from bark [10]. Salmon roe was also dried, and eaten in a creamy preparation achieved by grounding and mixing it with water, or in cakes that were poached with sorrel and berries. Salmon oil was extracted by boiling and by applying pressure using the arms and breast of a woman. The Haida dried their salmon, wrapped it in bark, and stored it in a box [104]. They also consumed fermented salmon roe, and stored it in boxes to be ripened.

Preparing salmon was a woman’s task among the Gitksan (Gitxsan), who consumed salmon heads skewed on a stick and roasted over a fire [28]. They dried or smoked salmon to preserve it; dried salmon was consumed dipped in oil. The head was sometimes smoked, with the eyes, cheeks and “geekx” (a waxy substance inside the nose) recovered. Care was always taken to ensure the salmon was undamaged by insect eggs, sunburn, improper hanging, improper cutting techniques, etc. Traditional cutting tools were made from stone, bone, tooth, or shell. The Nishga consumed dried salmon with oil extracted from fish or marine mammals [41]. The Tsimshian smoked salmon for storage [81], and the prehistoric Locarno Beach Culture Type from the Strait of Georgia in Southern British Colombia stored salmon for winter use [85]. The Tsimshian consumed salmon fresh when it was caught outside of a species’ specific run time-frame [80].

Among the Carrier, the women prepared the salmon, drying it for later use [116]. The Carrier of Bulky River dried salmon for storage [96]. Carrier women prepared the fish; drying salmon, or ripening salmon heads in the lake over a few weeks, then boiling them using hot stones to extract the oil. Oil was stored in salmon skins and consumed with berries. Salmon was dried for winter use, and oil was extracted from the heads by boiling them in a spruce bark vessel with hot stones and water [45].

When available, the Tlingit consumed salmon fresh, or else dried or smoked it; the head was consumed raw [115]. Salmon preparation was performed by women: it was boiled by the hot stone method, hung off the roof or put on sticks and roasted on an open fire, steamed in a pit by pouring water over hot stones, or hung to dry and brought to the smokehouse afterwards. Heads and tails were smoked as well. Salmon heads in particular were used to obtain oil: oil/grease was extracted by boiling salmon in a canoe. If oil could not be acquired in this fashion, more was taken in bags by applying pressure with boulders or the “weight of a heavy woman”. After one of these two methods, a second purification step was achieved, after which the remaining oil was stored in bladders or boxes. Salmon oil was consumed with dried fish. They were also reported to have dried or smoked salmon for storage [135].

The Tsetsaut [29] and Tutchone [53] dried salmon for later use, and the Inland Tlingit [117] stored it as well. Among the Tanana, salmon was dried for storage in subterranean caches [59]. Han women were responsible for salmon preparation, including drying it under the sun for storage, roasting or smoking it [118]. They also dried salmon roe for storage in king salmon skins, or mixed it with hot water and left it to ferment. For Champagne and Aishihik in the Yukon, salmon was cooked or dried [130]. People of the Yukon sometimes prepared salmon as a loaf, which was regarded as a modern way of cooking [78]. They consumed salmon roe as a prized source of food. The Ahtna women preserved it by drying and packaging the fish in bundles of forty [61]. The Ingalik dried and smoked salmon on racks for storage [16]. The Tanaina smoked and dried salmon for storage, boiled it in wooden containers using hot stones, and stored it as pemmican mixed with marrow and berries. Vuntut Gwich’in of Old Crow consumed salmon cooked or dried [130]. Although the Chalkyitsik Kutchin dried salmon for preservation, they usually gave it as well as dried salmon roe to the dogs [17]. For human consumption, they braised salmon on hot coals, or roasted it over an open fire. Its insides were sometimes consumed fried or poached; however the heads and insides were not consumed when the fish was cooked whole. The Kutchin of the Yukon Flats cut salmon up to allow for proper drying, which was done for preservation [138]. Indigenous People from Chilkat River in Alaska dried salmon using smoke, or consumed fresh salmon tails and heads, either boiled or steamed [31].

Cultures from the Circumpolar area mainly prepared salmon for storage, including Iglulik Inuit [124]. During the hunting season, Central Inuit who stayed in the village consumed salmon. Labrador Inuit used caches to stockpile salmon [76]. Inuit of Labrador and Ungava Bay consumed salmon roe mixed with blueberries and seal oil (“eu’valik”) [76, 109]. Inuit dried fish under the sun, their heads were cooked and consumed, and the fins and backbones were given to dogs [98]. Another report described Inuit drying and consuming salmon with seal oil, and in Cape Prince of Whales, they consumed salmon that had been buried in the sand to ferment, until several cases of food poisoning were reported [99]. Those living in the Bering Sea region also used salmon to feed dogs. The Esquimaux consumed fermented salmon [100]. Nunivak Yupik consumed fish poached, frozen, or dried under the sun; they did not smoke salmon [119]. The Lower Kuskokwim consumed dried salmon during the winter [74]. Chugach and Nunivak Island Yupik consumed salmon roe. Chugach stored salmon roe that was previously dried or fermented, grinding before storing it for fermentation. The fermented roe was consumed mixed with fresh roe or with berries and seal fat. The Siberian Chukotka Coastal peoples smoked their salmon [92].

Mi’kmaq women were responsible for preparing food and maintaining the cooking tools: they smoked salmon on racks made from wood for later use [15]. Micmac consumed salmon stewed, fried in bear grease roasted over a fire, or either sun-dried or smoked to be stored [43]. Another report of Micmac stated they dried and smoked salmon for storage [44]. The Montagnais of the St. Lawrence River consumed salmon with spoons made for fish eating [51]. The Beothuk dried salmon before consumption [48]. The Penobscot smoked and dried salmon, or roasted fresh salmon over a fire [122]. Malecite stored salmon that was previously smoked or salted in containers made of birch bark [18].

Uses other than food

The Nootka and Quileute used salmon as bait for halibut fishing [141]. The liquid resulting from roe fermentation was used as cold medicine by the Shuswap [2]. The Carrier used salmon skin for bags to store oil and fats [45].

Beliefs and taboos

The Okanagan prayed to the chief salmon to thank him for their bounty [1]. The southern Okanagan’s “head man” performed a ritual by announcing the beginning of weir building through the placement of a willow stick on the ground and the singing of a power song [114]. It was believed that unless the “First Salmon Ceremony” was carried out, salmon would not return. Boys were only allowed to assist in the feast if they were old enough to participate in the preparation. Several taboos existed regarding salmon. Women were not allowed within a ½ mile to the weir, unless a powerful man accompanied them and the first salmon ceremony was complete. It was believed an epidemic of smallpox would occur if a significant quantity of spawned salmon turned white. Women sometimes dreamed of information that would help their husband catch fish. Fresh salmon or getting close to a salmon trap was forbidden to any person who suffered from recently losing a close relative, or a man whose wife was pregnant with his first child. It was forbidden to swim close to a weir, women and children could not eat salmon head or tail, and a human skeleton, or salmon head or intestine could not be thrown into the river. It was believed that if a woman did not respect a taboo, she would scare the salmon away and suffer from menstrual pain. The Kutenai held a yearly fish festival: for the lower Kutenai it was not specific to salmon, whereas for the upper Kutenai it was to celebrate the arrival of the first salmon [39].

According to the Carrier of Bulky River, teenage girls were not allowed to drink from a river where salmon was fished, because it was believed the fish would not return [96].
Traditionally, people of the Fraser River did not put salmon refuse into the water because it was believed the fish would not come back [101]. The Sahaptin shaman always made a prayer to the salmon spirit (“Tah”), ripping off the head of the first salmon, recovering the blood, and then boiling the fish that had been cut into small pieces [111]. The villagers were then invited to do the same. At Celilo Falls, a legend said that the coyote allowed salmon to run freely in the river by demolishing damns that were built by the five Swallow Sisters; each spring, the sisters announced the return of the Chinook salmon. A similar legend existed among the Okanagan Salish, but the sisters were named the Spotted Sandpipers.

Because cultures of the Pacific Coast believed salmon was immortal, they always put its bones back into the water to ensure the salmon lifecycle would continue. The Coast Salish also put salmon bones back into the river, and special care was given to the “white bone” in the salmon head, an idea directed by legend [49]. If a salmon with a crooked mouth was caught, it had to be exorcised and put back in the river. At times dreams brought information to fishermen, who performed spiritual rituals during fishing, including songs personal to the man. The Squamish carried out a first salmon ceremony in which a ritualistic individual and the children participated.

Among the Haida, girls were not allowed to consume salmon for the five years following their first period, and were required to avoid seeing a jumping salmon, because it was believed that salmon availability would decrease [11]. For the Masset Haida, a pubescent girl was not allowed to look at drying salmon, because it was believed that it would make her eyes red and inflamed as she became older. If she crossed over a salmon creek, salmon would leave with the “Daughter-of-the-River”. Natives of British Columbia held a first salmon ceremony, where the fish was caught, handled, and cooked according to a precise ritual, depending on the tribe [95]. They believed that in doing so, the salmon spirit would be freed and allowed to come back the following year. The Haida did not have a ceremony as important as the other tribes.

The Tsimshian [81], Takelma [89], Mid-Columbia Indians [111] as well as the East Sanetch, Comox, Squamish and West Sanetch [102] also held a ceremony for the first salmon.

Inuit of Baffinland and Hudson Bay (Cumberland Sound) had many beliefs surrounding salmon: they believed the salmon had a very powerful soul, and that breaking a salmon taboo would bring about great sickness [37]. Salmon was cooked in a pot used exclusively for that purpose. Boots worn for walrus hunting could not be worn for salmon fishing, and boots were forbidden until the first salmon was fished, also caribou and walrus were not allowed to be in the same boat. When eating, if salmon broth was spilled, the person responsible had to imagine that he or she vomited it, because it was believed that wasting food brought bad luck. Nugumiut of Frobisher Bay believed salmon and walrus could not be consumed on the same day.

Chum Salmon

Reported Harvesting Information on Chum Salmon by Culture

*The Bella Coola (Nuxalk) developed two types of traps that salmon had to jump over; either made from hemlock stakes and logs, or from a “logjam”; they were then caught in a “basket” trap [175]. Each village possessed a trap on the Bella Coola River, and no other village was allowed to fish from that trap.

** The Tlingit caught chum in traps that were rectangular in shape, and made of wood, which were put in weirs with a V-shape or in fences with the tip pointing upstream [146]. The traps were able to be adjusted depending on the height of the water. Traps and weirs were managed by community leaders, who enabled other families to obtain fish only after their family’s requirements were fulfilled. Sometimes a wall was made from stones across a “tidal stream”, with branches laid on top. The salmon would enter the stream at high tide, and be stuck on the other side of the wall when the tide fell. Men would then kill the fish with spears or clubs.

Chum salmon was very important to some cultures, and less so for other. For example, the fish was reported to have been the most prized species for the Nootka (Nuu-chah-nulth) [132]. By contrast, the Han generally fed this fish to the dogs, only consuming it in times of scarcity [118]. The Chalkyitsik Kutchin of Alaska consumed chum salmon if its flesh was red, otherwise it was given to the dogs [17]. To the Vunta Kutchin (Gwich’in), chum salmon was economically very important, and was also used for dog food [180]. Chum salmon was highly valued by the Haida for their the kind and amount of fat, big size, eggs and availability in late fall; this was especially true in the Queen Charlottes [183].

Among the Kwakiutl (Kwakwaka'wakw), chum fishing was the marker of the end of the fall harvest [23].

The Southern Tutchone who lived near Burwash would catch fish at Tipi (Tincup) Lake, along a division of the White River [167]. The Yukon Indigenous Peoples had chum available to them along the Yukon River in September; these were not as fatty as compared to those in lower Nisling and Stewart, Pelly, Little Salmon and Big Salmon rivers [173]. They were also available on the Alsek River. In October, Maquina (chief in the Nootka Moachat confederacy) and his group moved to an abundant chum salmon fishing site over 30 miles from the coast [163]. Maquina held all rights to the fishing site, and so all fishermen were required to give some of their catch to him. The Southern Tutchone near Burwash used to catch salmon at Tipi (Tincup) Lake, along a division of the White River [167]. Chum salmon was available to the South western Coast Salish on the Chehalis and its branches, as well as in the Willapa Basin and the Columbia [162]. The Nuxalk had abundant supplies in the Bella Coola River [151, 152]. Salmon was available to the Coast Salish only in the lower Fraser River below the town of Hope and in the Harrison River [158].

The Kyuquot traditionally used spears, but this method was slowly decreasing in popularity [169]. Among the Tahltan, weirs were outlawed at the beginning of the 20th century, but this ban was lifted in the later part of the century [142]. The fishing method used by the Central Coast Salish depended on the size of the stream and how clear the water was [161]. Among the Northern and Central Nootka, salmon spearing was taught from a very early age, and so was not seen as a skill or luck, but as a commonly used fishing method [166]. If harpooning from a canoe, the harpooner positioned himself in the stern, and when he harpooned a fish, it was handed to his steering partner, who brought the fish into the canoe and clubbed it to death. Northern cultures draped a robe made from cedar bark over their head using an outstretched arm to create a patch of shade over the water to make it more visible. Central tribes claimed a rain hat was sufficient in making the water visible. The Vunta Kutchin had individually owned nets, where fishermen would catch fish for his family only. Nets were checked twice a day. Fishing partnerships sometimes occurred, either to share in the fishing duties, or where one person fished, and the other was responsible for collecting supplies. Older men fish all season, whereas hunters only put nets in the water during the largest run [180]. Among the Eyak of the Copper River Delta in Alaska, fishing post rights were not required due to the abundance of fish found in the Copper River [182]. Many different cultures fished at the Point Whitshed and Mountain Slough fishing posts, while some people stayed back at the main compounds to fish.

Reported Harvesting of Chum Salmon by Season and Culture

Preparation

Kyuquot women usually prepared the salmon. It was consumed raw, baked, boiled, smoked (either fresh or preserved), dried, canned or jarred. Salmon was cooked over an open fire on a stick, or on hot coals [169]. The Southern Okanagan stored salmon in the attic of the house, except if it had been frozen before being brought to camp, in which case the fish was consumed immediately [114]. The Tahltan women prepared the salmon fresh, dried, or boiled in birch bark containers using hot stones [142]. Fish flesh was dried on a rack while the head, tail and backbone were dried on a stick. Smoke was used to dry all parts. Dried fish was stored for later use in a cache packed with bark. Fresh salmon and salmon roe were braised before being wrapped in bark. Salmon heads and roe were consumed fermented: the head was stored in the ground, protected by branches and leaves, while the salmon roe was stored in a bark vessel. Both were left for several days. Salmon heads were highly valued for consumption, while bony parts were given to the dogs. Knives with blades made from obsidian (and later on steel) were used for salmon butchering: it is believed that women made these knives. The cultures of Southeast Alaska (Tlingit) consumed chum salmon dried and smoked, soaked in sea water, or boiled fresh [147]. Dried or smoked salmon was consumed with seal oil, and fresh, boiled salmon was sometimes consumed with seal or ooligan oil. Salmon heads were consumed, fermented, boiled or baked; salmon roe was consumed fermented while larger eggs were poached with black seaweed and accompanied by seal or ooligan oil. Salmon that was caught in late autumn was preserved frozen and stored in a cache. Thawed salmon could be smoked, giving a strong-flavored meal that was not enjoyed by everyone. Every individual had his own manner of cutting the salmon before smoking; because the cut was so unique to each person, a piece of smoked salmon was sometimes used as a visiting card.

The Kwakiutl had numerous preparation methods [22]. The butchering technique used was based on the specific treatment of the salmon (i.e. fresh or dried), and was done by women, as were all other tasks related to food preparation or preservation. Meals and food were prepared on mats, while men gathered wood for fire. Chum salmon was dried for later use, or roasted fresh on tongs made from red pine wood and shared amongst friends. A salmon with white skin meant that it had already spawned, and was not stored, but roasted as well. Salmon was split in half to be hung for drying; how it was hung up depended on its stage of drying. It was sometimes consumed with oil during the drying process. Salmon that was consumed smoked was called “quarter dried”. Tails and backbones were dried together, and then stored separately for later use. The backbone was soaked before being consumed, and if eaten fresh, it was roasted using tongs that had previously been rubbed with the fish intestines. The heads were roasted either on the beach if the cheeks were to be preserved, or if not, close to the house, and consumed for lunch. Heads were also steamed in a pitch, lying over and under a layer of skunk cabbage leaves. Hot stones covered the bottom of the pitch, and water was poured over them. Sometimes heads were boiled fresh in a kettle, and these were sometimes consumed as part of a feast with friends. Cheeks were dried and preserved for later, while other edible parts were shared amongst the entire community. Cheeks were soaked for several days before being boiled and consumed “with its liquid” but without oil. A fisherman host would invite the chiefs to consume these cheeks. Chiefs were also invited to consume boiled fresh chum salmon: it was eaten with spoons, without oil, and as dinner only. The person of the highest rank said a prayer before they ate. Boiled chum salmon was served as an ordinary meal with family as well. Both the pectoral and anal fins were dried for winter use, and were consumed for lunch or dinner; they were soaked for several days before being boiled. Refuses from fresh salmon were thrown back into the water, and the insides were put back at the mouth of the river to ensure fish would come back the next season. Chum salmon that were speared were not consumed in the morning. Salmon roe was stored in a box or in a seal bladder. It was fermented and consumed boiled, accompanied with oil: this meal was prepared by men, and was not consumed in the morning. Ground roe was consumed with salmonberry or fern roots. Another report stated that the Kwakiutl consumed preserved chum salmon roe [27]. Another report stated that because chum was much drier, it was consumed with oil [149]. It was consumed at any time of the day, although they were more hesitant to have it in the morning when it was considered that the fish fat would make people lethargic.

The Gitksan (Gitxsan) woman prepared the fish [28]. Care had to be taken to ensure the salmon was not damaged with insect eggs, sun burn, being hung improperly, being cut with improper cutting techniques, etc. Traditional cutting tools were made of stone, bone, tooth or shell. Chum salmon was soaked when smoked, or else it hardened too much. Dried salmon was consumed dipped in oil. Cultures from the northeast coast dried chum salmon and stored it in baskets inside the house, or else roasted it on tongs, with or without its tail [14]. The eggs were stored underground in a hole lined with maple leaves, and left to ferment over two months. They were then consumed as is or as part of a soup.

Chum salmon was thought to be a good fish to preserve, due to its fat content. The central coast Salish preserved chum salmon by smoking in a smokehouse [25]. Smokehouse ownership had important social impact. It was reported that chum salmon lasted longer through winter. The Southern Kwakiutl and Nuxalk also smoked salmon [13]. The People of the Yukon [78] and the Ingalik [55] dried chum. Chum salmon caught in autumn was preferred by Tsimshian for smoking due to its low fat content at that time [81]. The Chugach Yupik ground chum salmon roe before fermenting it for storage; it was then consumed mixed with fresh roe or with berries and seal fat [124]. Puget Sound consumed the fish fresh or split open the fish before it was dried [170]. The Ulkatcho-Carrier roasted the fish over a fire on tongs [171]. The Bella Coola (Nuxalk) roasted salmon on a fire or smoked it, while their roe were consumed fresh, or “mutsi” (“stink eggs”) were prepared [175]. “Tmkwa” was a type of “stink eggs”: they were soaked over a number of days until the skins came off, and then the eggs were put into a container (in later times this container was made from glass) and left for a week to ten days. These eggs were harder to bite.  It was reported elsewhere that this culture smoked chum meat for winter storage [189].

The Coast Salish preferred chum over other types of fish because it was regarded as a fattier fish, and so lasted longer [154]. They smoked chum salmon in smokehouses, although preserving and storing it was a limiting factor: the amount and size of drying racks, the fuel needed to produce smoke, and the amount of storage boxes all limited the amount of fish that was preserved each year. Another report stated the Coast Salish consumed it dried, smoked, or canned [120]. Bouchard and Kennedy reported that chum salmon was likely barbecued on a three foot stick made from red cedar [157]. If a large piece of flesh was to be cooked, the skin and meat were spread open with “salmon stretchers” and then put on the stick. Barbecued salmon was called “t’in” by this culture. Women also prepared it to be smoked for winter storage- it was stretched using thin pieces of red cedar made by the men, and hung on the smoking racks using a similar stick. They were smoked over a fire of alder wood for a week, piled and dried further by heat, and then tied up using rope made from cedar bark. It was important that the smoke house, which was made from cedar, was not completely air-sealed because excess smoke would turn the salmon black. Fish eggs were considered a delicacy when prepared for preservation: they were put into a bag made from deer stomach that had been turned inside out and cleaned. It was closed and put onto a rack inside the smoke house, and was massaged every day by women; the result was a cheese like substance. “Stink eggs” were prepared by digging a hole three feet deep then lining it with maple leaves or “skunk cabbage leaves”. The eggs were put in and covered with leaves, then soil, and left for a number of months. When uncovered, the eggs were boiled with a bit of cold water until it was the texture of pancake batter. After the “white man” entered these communities, flour was added before boiling to thicken the mixture. If the eggs were whole when first collected, they were dried in the smoke house by hanging them from a rack and rotating them every day. This resulted in eggs that were hard on the outside but not on the inside, and so they were not cooked before consumption. They were then tied to each other with a rope made from cedar bark or stinging nettles. These eggs were usually consumed with “new shoots salmon berries” or the “peeled shoots” of the lady fern or spiny wood fern.

The Tahltan consumed chum fresh: a welcome meal after the long winter [143]. Tanaina women were responsible for the cutting and drying of salmon [174]. The Bering Strait Yupik cut the fish open, slashed them, and then dried them on racks made from driftwood [188].

The Tlingit considered chum a good species of fish for drying [115]. Similarly, de Laguna reported that most of the fish caught by the Tlingit was dried and smoked for winter [146]. The fish were slit, dried by the sun and smoked. Women performed these duties, with the help of men and slaves. They likely also consumed some chum fresh, boiled, baked in an “earth oven”, or cooked on a skewer. Fish heads were used to obtain grease. Certain Tlingit women possessed a level of high status within the community, and it was likely due to the control over salmon, a key source of sustenance. Women marked their batch of fish to distinguish it from others, and each kept theirs apart in the cache. To ensure the fish would return, it was believed important to either put the fish waste back into the water, or to burn it.

Among the Northern Coast Salish, fish caught in October and November was dried by smoking: it was considered very good for long-term storage [160]. Fish caught by the Central Coast Salish during the fall had to be smoked inside of a house in order to be preserved [161]. The Nootka consumed chum fresh, smoked, dried, or canned [164]. It was reported that the northern and central Nootka preferred this fish for preservation due to its low fat content, as well as its availability during the time when winter stores were being prepared [166].

Eyak women of the Copper River Delta in Alaska were responsible for preparing and smoking the fish [182]. People of Port Simpson (Tsimshian) salted and smoked chum salmon [186]. They did not waste a single part of the fish: its “tips” were salted, its belly was cup up into thin slices and salted, the head was boiled and consumed with potatoes, the tail was sliced open and smoked, and the flesh attached to the backbone was salted. Its eggs were turned into “stink eggs” by leaving them to ripen in a cool place for a long period of time.

Beliefs and taboos

Cultures had a variety of beliefs concerning chum salmon. The Nootka used a chum salmon head to rub themselves before they went fishing for cod or halibut [34]. The Nanaimo held a “First Salmon Ceremony” for the chum salmon, where the fish was roasted; cutting, smoking or drying could not be done on that day [49]. A male and female chum salmon were painted, and the people would sing a song. The Chinookan of the Lower Columbia held a ceremony for the first chum salmon, but by the middle of the 19th century, the ceremonies were not as important [88]. Kwakiutl women said a prayer after the first chum salmon was caught [22]. When a Kwakiutl man had caught the first four salmon of the season, his wife met him at water’s edge and prayed to the chum [149]. Once the first salmon were caught, the fisherman invited the chiefs of the village to consume them. A prayer was said before consumption, and fresh water was consumed after. This was also done when it was preserved for storage. Coast Salish belief was that the chum salmon was one of five salmon groups that lived together under the sea in a grand house [153]. Each group had its own spawning locations and characteristic activities that the Indigenous Peoples knew very well.

Coho Salmon

The Spokane are reported to have caught coho salmon in large quantities [178]. Coho salmon is reported to have been available to the Southern Tutchone at Little Klukshu Lake [167] and to the Yukon Indigenous Peoples along the Alsek River [173]. The fish is said to have been available to the south western coast Salish on the Chehalis and its branches, as well as in the Willapa Basin and the Columbia River [162]. The Nuxalk had abundant supplies of coho in the Bella Coola River; the fish was a primary food source for them [151, 152]. Among the coast Salish, coho was available in Straits waters [158], the Fraser, Lillooet, Quesnel Rivers, as well as the North Thompson and branches of Shuswap Lake [156]. Spawning occurred in Black Lake [157]. They were born in fresh water, migrated to salt water early in life, and returned to fresh water to spawn then die [158]. Coho breeding occurred in Squamish streams that were connected to the ocean [172]. Coho was only available to the Nootka (Nuu-chah-nulth) in certain streams; they stayed in lower breeding areas during their first year, which enabled the Nootka to have fresh fish during the winter [163].

It is reported that the Kwakiutl (Kwakwaka'wakw) fished for coho towards the end of the fishing season [27].

In the following table, the ethnographic information is presented in a table format, to assist the reader.  Please see other salmon entries for alternate text presentations.

Reported Harvesting of Coho Salmon by Season and Culture

* The Bella Coola (Nuxalk) developed two types of traps that salmon had to jump over: hemlock stakes and logs, or a “logjam”. The fish were then caught in a “basket” trap [175]. Each village possessed a trap on the Bella Coola River, and no other village was allowed to fish from that trap.
** The Tlingit are thought to have caught coho in traps that were rectangular in shape, and made of wood, which were put in weirs with a V-shape or in fences with the tip pointing upstream [146]. The traps were adjustable depending on the height of the water. Traps and weirs were managed by community leaders, who allowed other families to obtain fish only after their own family’s requirements were fulfilled. Sometimes a wall was made from stones across a “tidal stream”, with branches laid on top. The salmon would enter the stream at high tide, and become stuck on the other side of the wall when the tide fell. Men would then kill the fish with spears or clubs.
*** The type of hunting tool used by the Central Coast Salish depended on the size of the stream and the clarity of the water [161].

Pink Salmon

The Thompson (N'laka'pamux) consumed pink salmon, also known as humpies and hump-backed salmon, when other salmon species were scarce [94]. Similarly, the Lillooet and Shuswap consumed pink salmon, although it was considered “famine food”; it was available to them during September and October when other fish runs were poor [3]. The Lillooet did not originally have access to pink salmon, until the addition of fish ladders made the migration possible. This salmon was available to the Coast Salish in Saanich Inlet, Cowichan Bay, Georgia Strait, and in Kwakiutl (Kwakwaka'wakw) areas, although amounts varied immensely from year to year [154]. Because this type of salmon matures in its second year of life, there was usually a much larger run in odd-numbered years as compared to even. Pink salmon was more abundant along the coast, therefore the Middle Columbia River Salish acquired this fish via trade [177]. They were available to the Northern Coast Salish during mid-July in the Strait of Juan de Fuca, and would continue on to the southern shore of Vancouver Island, San Juan and Southern Gulf islands, Point Roberts, and the Fraser [160]. Once in the Fraser, the Halkomelem, Squamish, and some cultures from the Northern Straits came to fish. Pink salmon was rare on the Chenalis and its branches, and was most likely not a native species of that area for the Southwestern Coast Salish [162]. It was available to the Coast Salish in large amounts in lower areas of the Fraser River, and some were also found in Seton and Nicola Rivers [156]. Millions of pink salmon were reported to be available in these areas every odd-numbered year, with hardly any during even-numbered years. They were available from August through October, with the longest season occurring in lower areas of the Fraser River, and stopping at Bridge River. Other reports stated that Brem Bay was the main location for fishing the first pink salmon run [157], and that they were also available in Straits waters [158]. Pink salmon is said to be the most important food source for the Straits people. It was sometimes available to St. Laurence Island Yupik [197]. It was reported that cultures from the northwest coast caught pink salmon from the Fraser River drainage [140], and that the Thompson people consumed pink salmon at Nicola River [67].

Fishing

Pink salmon was available to the Coast Tsimshian from late July to early August [91]. It was available to the Bella Coola (Nuxalk) from August through September [175], and during the spring and summer in another report [189]. A small run was available to the people of Nuiqsut in beginning in August [176], whereas it was reported to be available to the Squamish every two years during the month of September [172]. The Katzie (Coast Salish) had a salmon run that began later in July, with spawning occurring in September in most small streams [192]. Availability for the Tahltan was during the summer, where it was welcomed after the winter months [143]. Pink salmon was available to the Tanaina during the summer at Cook Inlet [174], and to Port Simpson Indigenous People during the summer [186]. The Eyak fished for pink salmon from early May until November [193]. It was available every second year to the Shuswap; it was consumed during times of famine, but was not a preferred fish because its meat was too soft by the time it reached their up river fishing grounds [190]. Pink salmon was not as available to the Southern Coast Salish as were other species [196].

Kyuquot were reported not to be fond of pink salmon [169]. The Gitksan (Gitxsan) and Wet’suwet’en did not enjoy pink salmon due to its small size and low fat content [198]. It was consumed by the Tlingit, although it was less preferred than other species [145]. The Northern and Central Nootka (Nuu-chah-nulth) run was quite small, and therefore not as important as other salmon [166]. In contrast, it was considered a primary food source for the Nuxalk, and was available to them along the Bella Coola River from late May through mid-July [152]. It was also considered the most important food source for the Eyak of the Copper River Delta, Alaska, and was available from late June to early August, with the largest amount in mid July [182]. Spawning occurred in all of the branches around Prince William Sound from late July to September.

Various fishing techniques were employed to catch pink salmon. Among the Tahltan, pink salmon was caught using weirs made from spruce and red willow whites, as well as a gaff with a pole and detachable hook made from caribou antler (or iron later on) [142]. A ban on the use of weirs was implemented at the beginning of the 20th century, but was lifted towards the end of the century. Cylindrical basket-like traps, spears, and hand nets were also used, as well as gill nets, which were notably used during the weir ban. Tahltan men were responsible for the fishing. Lillooet occasionally fished for pink salmon using gill nets [136]. The Central Coast Salish fished for pink salmon during the summer at summer camps [25]. The Mount Currie Lillooet used gill nets to catch pink salmon [7]. The Bella Coola used two types of traps, either made from hemlock stakes and logs or from a “logjam”, that the fish jumped over to be caught in a basket trap [175]. Each village possessed a trap along the Bella Coola River, with no other village permitted to fish from any other. Another report described the use of weirs to catch pink salmon [189]. The Coast Salish used nets to catch fish in the Fraser River [154]. Prior to the twentieth century, pink salmon was caught by the Tanaina using weirs, basket traps, dip nets, and sometimes spears made from antlers with a single barb and detachable head [174]. The twentieth century brought gill nets, which replaced all other methods, with seining, set and drift nets also employed. Men fished, whereas women cut and dried the catch. Tlingit presumably caught pink salmon using traps that were rectangular in shape, and made of wood, which were put in weirs with a V-shape or in fences with the tip pointing upstream [146]. The traps were able to be adjusted depending on the height of the water. The weir-trap systems were managed by community leaders, who enabled other families to obtain fish only after their own families’ requirements were fulfilled. Occasionally, a wall was fabricated from stones across a “tidal stream”, with branches laid on top so that a salmon entered the stream at high tide and was trapped on the other side of the wall when the tide fell. Men would then kill the fish with spears or clubs. Tlingit men were also reported to have most likely caught pink salmon using spears that were 11-16 feet long [195]. In earlier times the point was made from bone; later on it was made from iron with numerous barbs on the tip. Spearing was done from a canoe or from the water’s edge, and they also used hooks and traps. The salmon trap was the most often used, with a fence put up across a stream with a few openings holding baskets upstream. This technique was also done quite often at La Perouse at Lituya Bay. The Chilkat used traps with a funnel shape to catch pink salmon [146]. The Haida caught these fish in tidewater traps, in weir-trap systems set in streams, as well as with harpoons [183]. The Nootka of Vancouver Island used “rodwork” weirs and traps, as well as harpoons and leisters as the run slowed down [165]. The Northern Coast Salish were thought to have caught pink salmon at the beginning of breeding areas using basketry traps and weirs, as well as gaff hooks, tidal traps and harpoons with either single or double shafts [160]. Trawl and dip nets were used from canoes throughout July, and later on, dip nets were used from platforms. Northern Straits and Vancouver Island Clallam people used reef nets attached to two canoes with anchor lines to emulate the reef. When the salmon run was at its peak, one net could catch several thousand fish per day. In the San Juan and Gulf Islands area, the Coast Salish caught pink salmon using reef nets attached to two canoes, whereas in lower Fraser River areas, trawl nets were used, either connected to two poles each held by a man in a canoe, or connected to a series of floats and sinkers and attached to two lines held by men in canoes [156]. Around the Fraser Canyon area, rougher currents required dip nets. Another report stated that the Coast Salish used a single-pronged harpoon, with a point made from deer antler or bone and two barbs made from Douglas fir tied down with wild cherry bark twine [157]. A river weir-trap system was presumably used in rivers, while men threw rocks at the fish so they entered the weir trap. Once caught, they were taken by hand, by gaff hook, or by spear. A tidal weir was presumably used in small bays. It can be presumed that the Katzie (Coast Salish) caught pink salmon later into autumn using spears, dip nets, weirs, medium trawl nets, harpoons, and gaffs [192]. Dip nets were used either from canoes or from the water’s edge. Weirs were built and operated by families, but when they had caught a sufficient supply, they allowed the salmon to swim further up river. If someone came and asked to catch fish at their weir, the family would put the weir back into place. Harpoons were used in more shallow waters, and had either one or two tips and shafts. The tip was made from bone or stone surrounded on both sides by two antler barbs, all tied together with “pitch” and cedar bark. The shaft was made from either fir or cedar. The tip and shaft were attached by a line of “mə’səl”. Gaffs were made from yew wood, and were used from canoes in deeper water or from the edge of smaller bodies of water. It was reported that among the Eyak of the Copper River Delta, Alaska, fishing post rights were not required, due to the abundance of fish found in the Copper River [182]. Many cultures fished at the Point Whitshed and Mountain Slough fishing posts, whereas some people stayed back at the main compounds to fish. Fishing was the responsibility of the men. In earlier times, Port Simpson Indigenous People caught pink salmon in streams using spears and in the ocean using gill nets, beach seines, traps, and by trolling [186]. In later times, the fish was caught by trolling, or by using gill nets and seine nets. The Eyak used traps, harpoons, two-pronged spears, and dip nets from the water’s edge or from a canoe [193]. In June, the Ingalik set up an 18-foot trap at the principal fishing site on a major stream [184]. It was positioned in a “pole frame” and covered with a web-like fence that started at the middle of the stream and ended at the water’s edge.

Preparation

Tahltan women were responsible for pink salmon preparation [142]. Fish heads were considered a choice part, and were consumed fermented along with salmon roe. The heads were stored in the ground protected by branches and leaves, and roe was stored in a bark vessel; both were kept in a pit over a few days. Fresh salmon and its roe were braised wrapped in bark, and fish was boiled in birch bark containers using hot rocks. It was also consumed fresh or its flesh was smoke-dried on a rack while the head, tail and backbone were dried on a stick. The fish was stored frozen, and dried fish was stored in a cache packed with bark. Storage related activities were performed by everyone. Special care was taken to ensure that the fish was not contaminated with fly eggs. It was believed that salmon preparation knives were made by Tahltan women from obsidian, and later on from steel. Pink salmon parts that were not consumed by people included mostly bony parts, and were given to the dogs. Specifically, fish heads were considered a choice part for human consumption, while mostly bony parts were given to the dogs. Another report stated that the Tahltan simply consumed pink salmon fresh [143]. Natives from Southeast Alaska (Tlingit) consumed pink salmon fresh and boiled, with seal or ooligan oil, as well as it was preserved by cooking it with berries (known as kaneegwal) [147]. Every individual had their own way of cutting the salmon before smoking that was so unique that a piece of smoked salmon was sometimes used as a visiting card. Smoked salmon was consumed as is or was soaked in seawater, and could also be preserved for a long time. Tlingit were also reported to have consumed some pink salmon fresh, boiled, baked in an “earth oven”, or cooked on a skewer; however, most of the fish was dried and smoked for winter consumption [146]. The fish were slit, dried by the sun, smoked, and baled; this was done by women, with the help of men and slaves. In addition, grease was obtained by Tlingit from fish heads. Women marked their batch of fish to distinguish it from others’ in addition to keeping them separated in the cache. It was reported that certain Tlingit women held a high level of status within the community, presumably due to their control over salmon, which was a key source of sustenance. Tlingit women were also reported to prepare the salmon by taking the tails, fins and heads off of its body, cutting the remaining flesh open and draping it onto a piece of wood in the shape of a triangle in a way that was easily cleaned [195]. The meat was then hung to be dried skin side down, shielded from adverse weather. If it was too wet, the meat was dried inside and when needed, over a fire. Once dried, the salmon was piled and tied in bunches to be stored. Northwest Coast cultures stored pink salmon eggs underground in a cavity lined with maple leaves, leaving them to ferment over two months [14]. They were then consumed as is, or as part of a soup. The Central Coast Salish dried pink salmon for preservation on racks that were placed outside [25]. Dried fish was usually consumed with oil by the people of the Northwest Coast. The Tsimshian dried pink salmon for storage [80]. Puget Sound Indigenous People consumed pink salmon fresh, or split the body open before it was dried [170]. Its eggs were considered a delicacy.

The largest pink salmon caught by the Bella Coola was reported to be eight pounds. They smoked pink salmon or roasted it over a fire, while the fish roe were consumed fresh or by preparing “mutsi” (“stink eggs”). “Anultz”, a type of “stink eggs” were prepared by taking the eggs from the stomach, putting them into a box that was left for a minimum of two weeks. The result was a mushy substance that was sometimes called “Indian hamburger cheese”, and that was stored over the winter. “Tmkwa”, another type of “stink egg” that was harder to bite, was prepared by soaking eggs over a number of days until the skins came off, then putting them into a container (made from glass in later times) for a week to ten days [175]. Another report showed that they smoked their meat for winter storage [189].

The Kwakiutl consumed pink salmon heads that were first enveloped by skunk cabbage leaves and steamed in a “pitch” using water that was poured over hot stones [22]. Another report stated that they roasted pink salmon [27]. The Gitksan used pink salmon to extract oil by soaking and boiling the heads [28]. Among the Northern Coast Salish, pink salmon was dried outside, or the oil was extracted, and it was dried by smoke when caught in late summer [160]. The Nootka consumed the fish fresh, smoked, dried, or canned [164]. The Coast Salish presumably barbecued pink salmon (called “t’in”) on a three foot stick made from red cedar [157]. If a large piece of flesh was to be cooked, the skin and meat were spread open with “salmon stretchers” and then put on the stick. Women prepared the fish to be smoked for winter storage: it was stretched using thin pieces of red cedar made by the men, and hung on the smoking racks using a similar stick. Occasionally the backbone was kept connected to the meaty portion, and was hung over the drying rack, with “salmon stretchers” placed through the meaty portion after the fish was hung. It was smoked for a week like this over a fire of alder wood, after which it was piled and dried further by heat, and then tied up using rope made from cedar bark. It was important that the smoke house, which was made from cedar, was not completely air-sealed because an excess of smoke would turn the salmon black. If the eggs were whole when first collected they were dried in the smoke house by hanging them from a rack and rotating them every day. This caused the eggs to be hard on the outside but not on the inside, and so they were not cooked before being consumed. They were tied to each other with rope made from cedar bark or from stinging nettles. These eggs were usually consumed with “new shoots salmon berries” or the “peeled shoots” of the lady fern or spiny wood fern. Among the Eyak of the Copper River Delta, Alaska, women prepared and smoked the fish [182]. In earlier times, pink salmon was prepared by Port Simpson Indigenous People by baking, roasting, steaming, barbecuing, or boiling it using hot stones. In later times, instead of steaming the fish, it was fried. Salmon eggs were consumed either raw, boiled, or fermented [186]. When fermented, they were cleaned, put into a cedar box on top of a layer of skunk cabbage, buried, and left for a month and a half. This turned the eggs into “stink eggs” or “uusgm laan”, a cheese like substance. The Eyak most likely prepared pink salmon by cutting it open and smoking it [193].

Beliefs and taboos

Coast Salish belief stated that the pink salmon was one of five salmon groups to live together in a grand house under the sea [153]. Each group had its own spawning locations, as well as characteristic activities that were considered common knowledge to the natives. It was believed by the Tlingit that menstruating or pregnant women were not allowed to go near fishing runs, so as not to insult the salmon [146]. In addition, to ensure the fish would return, it was important to either put the fish waste back into the water, or to burn it. A story was told among the Gitksan and Wet’suwet’en of presumably a chinook salmon that pulled a drunk man into turbulent waters of the Moricetown canyon because he had purposely killed the pink salmon that he had caught [198].

Sockeye Salmon

The Chalkyitsik Kutchin (Gwich’in) of Alaska were reported to consume sockeye salmon, although it was not enjoyed by everyone [17]. It was reported that sockeye salmon was consumed by the Coast Salish, but not by the Squamish, Slaiman, Klahuse, and Nanaimo [49]. It has been an important source of food along the Fraser River among cultures of the Northwest Coast, and later on, it was exploited for commercial purposes [140]. Sockeye has been an important source of food for people of the Yukon, and was reported to be consumed by people of Haines Junction (Champagne and Aishihik), Old Crow (Vuntut Gwich’in), Teslin (Teslin Tlingit), and Whitehorse [78]. The Thompson of British Colombia mainly fished for sockeye in the Thompson River [94]. Sockeye was available to the Coast Salish in Saanich Inlet, Cowichan Bay, Georgia Strait, and in Kwakiutl (Kwakwaka'wakw) area, although amounts varied immensely from year to year [154].

Fishing

The Kyuquot caught sockeye salmon in July [169], whereas the Southern Okanagan caught and consumed it from May until August [114]. The Tahltan fished for sockeye salmon from mid-June until August [142], and the Tutchone fished mainly in late August and/or early September [199]. The Central Coast Salish fished sockeye salmon during the summer at summer camps [25]. Lillooet fished for sockeye late summer and fall [7, 65], and cultures from the Alaska Plateau fished during September [55]. Sockeye was one of the most important sources of food for the Ahtna, and was available to them beginning in June [61]. The Coast Tsimshian had sockeye available from mid June until October, depending on the region [91]. Southwest Alaskan Yupik fished sockeye salmon in summer [137]. Sockeye was also an important source of food for the Lillooet and Shuswap, who fished in late July until late August [3]. The sockeye run was available to the Bella Coola (Nuxalk) for two weeks during the month of July [175]. This salmon species declined dramatically in numbers at the beginning of the 20th century.
It is reported that the Oowekeeno traded sockeye salmon for vegetable-source foods with neighbouring cultures [78]. The Quileute traded for sockeye from the Quinault [87].

The Kyuquot are reported to have used mainly nets, as well as traps, weirs, gill nets or trolls [169]. Spearing was considered a more traditional fishing method, but its use had slowly disappeared. Fishing was an important commercial activity, and was mostly done by men, with women sometimes participating. The community chief had first choice among the catches. Among the Tahltan, sockeye was economically the most important species because it was fished for commerce [142]. It was caught by men, using weirs made from spruce and red willow whites, although the use of weirs was forbidden at the beginning of the 20th century. Gill nets were used notably during the weir ban, which was lifted towards the later part of the century. In shallow waters, a gaff was used that was attached to a pole with a detachable hook made of caribou antler (and later iron). Hand nets, spears, and cylindrical basket traps were also used. They moved to a permanent fishing village on the Stikine Plateau to take full advantage of the sockeye season. The Tutchone used traps and clubs to catch sockeye salmon [199], whereas the Lillooet used hand and gill nets [136]. It was also reported that Mount Currie Lillooet used gill nets, and that sockeye salmon was the principal salmon species to be fished in the area [7]. Another report of the Lillooet stated that they fished for sockeye at waterfalls by fishing teams, using dip nets [65]. Sockeye salmon was caught by Kwakiutl men by trolling, unless the fish was white, then it was speared [22]. Northwest Coast cultures caught salmon using nets [14], and Coast Salish from the Fraser River used a net attached to two canoes [49]. The Bella Coola built two types of traps that salmon were forced to jump over and into a basket trap, either made from hemlock stakes and logs, or from a “logjam” [175]. Each village possessed a trap along the Bella Coola River, and no other village was allowed to fish from another’s trap. The biggest fish reported was around ten pounds. Because this type of salmon moved in dense schools along the same paths every year towards the Fraser River, the Coast Salish caught sockeye using reef nets that were only used by Straits cultures [154].

Preparation

Kyuquot women carried out most of the cooking, although they were not exclusively the cooks of sockeye [169]. They cooked salmon over a fire using a stick, or on a hot coal. Sockeye salmon was consumed fresh, baked, boiled, or smoked (either fresh or preserved), and could be stored for later use. Care was taken to ensure the fish was not contaminated with fly eggs. It was also dried or jarred, and was the preferred type of salmon for canning. Knives with obsidian blades (later on made from steel) that were presumably made by women were used for salmon butchering. Fish heads were considered a choice part. Fleshy portions were smoke-dried on a rack whereas the head, tail and backbone were dried on a stick. The dried fish was then stored for later used in a cache that was packed with bark; these storage related activities were performed by everyone in the community. Fresh salmon and its roe was wrapped in bark then braised; fish was also boiled in birch bark containers using hot stones. Salmon head and salmon roe were also consumed fermented, a preparation technique that involved storing them over a few days; the heads were put in the ground covered by branches and leaves, whereas the roe were put in a bark vessel. Tutchone women were also responsible for fish preparation [199]. A steel knife was used for butchering, with specific cutting techniques used for male and female sockeye salmon. A male fish head was consumed either boiled or roasted, or was occasionally given to the dogs. Care was taken to protect the fish from rain and sun, insect eggs were taken off the fish as they were found, and meat broth was used to distract insects from drying salmon. Each family possessed a smokehouse, which was at times shared with extended family members. It was normally made from wood, but later on more modern material such as plastic was incorporated into the structure. Within the smokehouse, humid wood, preferably alder, was used to make either a central fire, or several smaller fires. Dried salmon was kept for up to three years, and was consumed either with no further processing, soaked, or boiled in a stew. Food was stored in a raised log cache supported by wooden pillars. The oldest pieces given to the dogs, these pieces were cut differently than when intended for human consumption. Sockeye salmon was the preferred fish for smoking by the Natives of Southeast Alaska (Tlingit), but they also consumed it as is, soaked in sea water, fried, half-dried, dried, or roasted [147]. It was also sometimes consumed boiled fresh with seal or ooligan oil. Salmon heads were consumed fermented, boiled or baked, and salmon roe was also consumed, as is or fermented. Larger eggs were consumed poached, with black seaweeds and seal or ooligan oil. Salmon was also preserved as “kaneegwal” by cooking it with berries. Every community member had his own method of cutting salmon before smoking, so that a piece of smoked salmon was sometimes used as a visiting card, since the cut was so unique.

Kwakiutl women prepared sockeye salmon on mats [22]. The specific cutting procedure used depended on what the salmon was used for. White sockeye salmon was dried under the sun; it was not smoked. Dried sockeye was prepared by soaking for several days before it was boiled, and accompanied with oil. Alternatively, it was roasted on the fire and dipped in oil. Boiled salmon was served as an ordinary meal with family, and was also accompanied with oil. The Kwakiutl also consumed sockeye salmon roe. The Gitksan (Gitxsan) prepared sockeye by drying, smoking or fermenting it in birch bark envelopes packed in cedar containers [28]. Fermented roe was consumed as cheese, and was sometimes mixed with salmon flesh before being fermented. Food poisoning from a fermented roe mixture was unknown until canning was introduced. Northwest Coast cultures around Masset Inlet dried sockeye salmon [14]. The Central Coast Salish dried sockeye on outside racks at summer fishing camps. This fish was preferred because it was fattier and therefore lasted longer [25, 154]. It was reported that the high fat content of this fish allowed for better preserving, and that dried fish was usually consumed with oil. Lillooet dried sockeye to make a pemmican-like preserve that was mixed with Saskatoon berries and salmon oil; the dried fish was also traded with other cultures; the fish was also smoked [7, 65]. Among Lillooet and Shuswap, sockeye was an important dried fish, but was eventually replaced by chinook salmon [3]. The first sockeye of the season were normally not dried, but may instead have been consumed fresh or preserved by canning, salting, or freezing. People of the Yukon were reported to have consumed sockeye either cooked or dried [78]. The Kwakiutl roasted sockeye [27], while the Tsimshian dried it for storage [80]. To extract its oil, people of the Fraser Valley let sockeye salmon to decay in the sun; the oil was then stored in bladders of different animals [101]. Puget Sound Indigenous People consumed sockeye fresh, and split the body open before it was dried [170]. This salmon’s eggs were considered a delicacy. The Nuxalk dried, roasted or smoked the fish in fillets. They made a slit down the back to remove the backbone and tail [171, 175]. Fish roe were consumed fresh, or as “mutsi” (“stink eggs”). Salted sockeye salmon was used by the Kyuquot to attract trout, and sockeye roe were used as bait [169]. The people of the Fraser Valley used sockeye heads as lures or torches [101].

Beliefs and taboos

A first salmon ceremony was carried out by lower Lillooet communities upon the arrival of sockeye salmon in the river; the fish was prepared according to particular rituals [136]. As a traditional practice among Mount Currie Lillooet, a feast was prepared to commemorate the first sockeye of the salmon run: the fish was boiled by an older man according to custom [7]. The Comox practiced a first salmon ceremony for the sockeye, during which a “ritualist” man, attired in traditional clothing, harpooned several sockeyes [49]. The first salmon was boiled and shared in the “ritualist” family, while the others were shared with the village on the following day. A similar custom was performed by the Sanetch, where the “ritualist” caught several sockeyes with a net, and children processed the salmon in their hands, holding the fin between their teeth. Once the fish were consumed, the bones were returned to the river. Salish of the Gulf of Georgia, namely the East Sanetch, Comox and West Sanetch, held a first salmon ceremony exclusively for the sockeye [102]. Among the Coast Salish, it was believed that the sockeye salmon was one of five salmon groups that lived together under the sea in a grand house [153]. Each group had its own spawning locations and characteristic activities that were common knowledge to all members of the Coast Salish community.

Chinook Salmon

Chinook salmon, also known as spring salmon, has been considered a primary food source for the Nuxalk [151, 152] and the Straits people [158]. The chinook salmon run was quite small for the Northern and Central Nootka (Nuu-chah-nulth), and was thus not as important as other fish [166].

Fishing

The main fishing period was from May to June, but the fish was harvested into the month of September. The Southern Kwakiutl (Kwakwaka'wakw) and Nuxalk fished for chinook salmon in August [13], whereas people from the Fraser Valley harvested during spring [101]. It is reported elsewhere that the Nuxalk also fished from March through mid-May, with the largest catch being in April [151, 152]. The Bella Coola (Nuxalk) are also reported to have fished for chinook salmon from May to September [175, 189]. The Squamish fished during July and August [172]. Lillooet and Shuswap fished for chinook salmon during the month of April, however this was not often because it was considered a “small and erratic” fish [3]. Chinook salmon was available to the Coast Salish from late February through November, with the longest season occurring in lower areas of the Fraser River [156]. A key salmon season for the Northern and Central Nootka was the fall, but fishing for this fish sometimes began earlier than this, occurring in mid to end of summer in some rivers [166]. This fish was available to Port Simpson Indigenous People (Tsimshian) all year round in the ocean [186]. People of the Northwest Coast trolled for chinook salmon in winter, whereas the Central Coast Salish fished in fall [25].

Chinook salmon was available to the Coast Salish in the Straits [154, 158], in the Fraser River [154, 156], as well as in Yiyikw’ Bay [157]. This fish begins in fresh water, migrates to salt water early in life and then returns to fresh water to spawn [158]. It is reported to have been available to the Squamish in the Squamish and Cheakamus Rivers [172]. Chinook salmon was abundant in the Bella Coola River for the Nuxalk [151, 152]. The Katzie (Coast Salish) found chinook salmon in the Fraser - spawning of this fish occurred in September in Pitt Lake [192].

Among the Kyuquot, fishing was an important commercial activity, and was mostly done by men, with women sometimes participating [169]. The main harvesting techniques used nets, traps, weirs, gill nets; trolling was also popular. Spearing was considered a more traditional fishing method, whose use has slowly disappeared. The community’s chief had first choice among the catches. The Southern Kwakiutl and Nuxalk trolled for salmon from canoes, with a line attached to their paddle, with a stone attached to the line to keep the bait at the correct depth and a sharp bone as a hook [13]. The Lillooet from Mount Currie used gillnets to catch salmon [7], whereas the Kwakiutl used lines as late as the 1960s [26]. The Carrier speared salmon directly from the river [45], whereas the Coast Salish from Fraser River used a net attached to two canoes [49]. People of the Fraser Valley used spears to catch chinook salmon [101]. Kwakiutl and Nuxalk were also known to use spears [13]. Lillooet and Shuswap fished for chinook salmon from platforms that belonged to the person who built it, and that were torn down once the run was finished [3]. By the 1990s these platforms were no longer used, replaced by gill nets made from milkweed. Dip nets were also used. The Bella Coola used two types of traps that the salmon had to jump over: either made from hemlock stakes and logs, or from a “logjam” [175]. They were then caught in a basket trap. Each village possessed a trap on the Bella Coola River, from which no other village was allowed to fish. Chinook salmon were reported to weight from 20-30 pounds, with the heaviest seen at 50-60 pounds. It was reported elsewhere that the Bella Coola used weirs to catch chinook salmon [189]. Once the fishing run was in full force, Coast Salish men and boys gathered wood and fished, using traps, spears, and nets [153]. In shallow and clear water, a weir or fence was installed across the water, with men standing on a platform above to catch the fish with nets. It was also reported that they caught salmon in the Straits by trolling, and in the Fraser using nets [154]. It was reported elsewhere that in lower Fraser River areas, trawl nets were used, either connected to two poles each held by a man in a canoe, or connected to a series of floats and sinkers and attached to two lines held by men in canoes [156]. Around the Fraser Canyon area, rougher currents required dip nets, and in the upper Fraser River area, “lattice-work” weir-trap systems were used to catch salmon closer to the water’s edge. The Coast Salish were reported to use a trolling line made from stinging nettle and a U-shaped hook made from hollowed out deer shin bone [157]. Spring salmon could also be caught using a single-pronged harpoon with a point made from deer antler or bone, with two barbs made from Douglas fir tied down with wild cherry bark twine. A weir-trap system was presumably used in rivers: men threw rocks at the fish to make them enter the weir-trap, and once caught, they were taken by hand, by gaff, or by spear. A tidal weir was presumably used in small bays. It can be presumed that later into autumn, the Katzie (Salish) used spears, dip nets, weirs, medium trawl nets, harpoons, and gaffs to catch chinook salmon [192]. Dip nets were used either from a canoe or from the water’s edge. Weirs were built and operated by families and were left in place until a sufficient supply had been caught. If an individual requested to catch fish at their weir, the family would put it back into the river. Harpoons either with one or two tips and shafts were used in shallow waters. The tip consisted of a bone or stone surrounded on both sides by two antler barbs, tied together with “pitch” and cedar bark. The shaft was made from fir or cedar, and was attached to the tip by a line of “mə’səl”. Gaffs were made from “yew” wood, and were used from canoes in deeper water or from the edge of smaller bodies of water. The Northern and Central Nootka used harpoons and traps to catch spring [166]. Traps were positioned at the beginning of the river, and later were moved into the river. After the main run was over, the harpoon became the preferred fishing tool. Men fished by foot or canoe, depending on how big the river was. If harpooning from a canoe, the harpooner positioned himself in the stern. When he harpooned a fish it was handed to his steering partner who brought the fish into the canoe and clubbed it. Salmon spearing has been considered a commonplace activity rather than a skill or luck since it was taught from a very early age. To increase visibility, northern cultures draped a robe of cedar bark over their head and outstretched arm to create a patch of shade over the water, whereas central tribes claimed a rain hat was sufficient. Both cultures trolled for salmon using large, sharp hooks with herring bait on them. Because chinook salmon fed on herring, they eventually became available during the herring runs. A fisherman was finished fishing when he had caught enough for his family, with the exception of when the chief was preparing a feast. In previous years Port Simpson Indigenous People caught salmon using spears made either from spruce or hemlock with a sharp tip, or from cast iron [186]. They also caught fish by trolling in a canoe or boat, or by using tidal traps made from sticks. In later times, they caught salmon by trolling, using seine nets, gill nets, and by using a fishing rod and reel.

Preparation

Among various preparation techniques used, the Nootka and Quileute cooked chinook salmon flesh on a rack over a fire that was seasoned with salal leaves and covered with cedar branches [141]. Another report stated that the Nootka consumed chinook salmon fresh, smoked, dried, or canned [164]. Puget Sound Indigenous People are reported to have consumed black salmon fresh, or split open and dried. Its eggs were considered a delicacy [170]. Kyuquot women carried out most of the cooking, although it was not done by them exclusively [169]. They cooked salmon over a fire using a stick, or on a hot coal. Sockeye salmon was consumed fresh, baked, boiled, or smoked (either fresh or preserved), and could be stored for later use. It was also dried, canned or jarred. Chinook salmon roes was consumed, and was baked, smoked, or left to soak and ferment (called “que:kamis”). Gitksan (Gitxsan) women prepared chinook salmon, using traditional cutting tools made from stone, bone, or shell [28]. The Gitksan consumed chinook salmon heads, which were skewered and roasted over a fire, or were also used to obtain oil by being soaked and then boiled. Care was taken to ensure that the salmon was not damaged by insect eggs, burning from the sun, improper hanging or cutting, etc. Dried salmon was consumed dipped in oil. Among cultures from the Northwest Coast, special cutting techniques were used to make sure the fish would dry faster to prevent mould [14]. The Central Coast Salish smoked the fish for preservation indoors, usually in smokehouses [25]. Ownership of smokehouses had important social bearing. Chinook salmon was dried for storage by the Tsimshian [80]. It was reported that chinook salmon was the only fish dried by people from the Fraser Valley [101]. Salmon roe was also dried, or allowed to ferment, buried underground, packed in maple leaves or stored in bags. Dried roe was rehydrated by soaking or boiling before being consumed, whereas fermented roe was boiled in a soup or consumed as is. Lillooet and Shuswap did not share their catches, and consumed chinook salmon fresh [3]. This type of salmon replaced sockeye as a source of dried salmon. Special care was taken to ensure flies did not infest the fish, as the drying process took longer than usual due to the higher fat content. The Bella Coola roasted salmon over a fire using tongs for immediate consumption or for preservation [171]. They also dried it without bones and with skin intact, with bones still attached, or with no bones or skin. White chinook salmon was slit open at the throat, the head was pushed back, the belly was cut open and cleaned. It is also reported that fish heads were prepared by slitting them at the throat. It is reported elsewhere that the Bella Coola smoked salmon or roasted it over a fire [175]. Chinook salmon eggs were considered poisonous, so “stink eggs” were not made from them. The Bella Coola are also reported to smoke salmon fillets for winter storage [189]. Coast Salish women prepared chinook salmon by drying it over smoking fires, then storing it in packages or woven baskets [153]. It is reported elsewhere that they smoked salmon in smokehouses [154], and that they consumed the fish fresh or dried [120]. Coast Salish barbecued chinook salmon on a three foot stick made from red cedar (called “t’in”) [157]. If a large piece of flesh was to be cooked, the skin and meat were spread open with “salmon stretchers” and then put on the stick. The salmon’s head was also spread open, and barbecued on a spit (called “t’alhcn’us”). The meaty portion was cut into smaller pieces, stretched using small pieces of red cedar, and hung over a smoking rack to be smoked over a fire of alder wood. This was left for a week, then piled and dried further by heat, and tied up using rope made from cedar bark. It was important that the smoke house, which was made from cedar, was not completely air-sealed because too much smoke would turn the salmon black. When complete, the smoked salmon was broken into smaller portions and boiled before being consumed. The fattier portions of chinook salmon were cut into long, slender pieces and laid over a rack outside to be sun dried. This was either consumed directly, or was broken into smaller portions and boiled first. The Northern and Central Nootka did not dry chinook salmon [166] and they forbade keeping salmon overnight without cooking it. Among Port Simpson Indigenous People, preparation was done by women, and chinook salmon was boiled, stewed, roasted, baked, or fried [186]. Its skin was cooked over the fire and consumed with oolichan grease. The fish was preserved by removing the skin and cutting very thin slices with a type of knife called “kwduus”, then drying and smoking them (called “kyiwoxs”). This was consumed with grease, and occasionally traded with other cultures for food. In later times, the fish was jarred, frozen, canned, salted, or dried. Roe was consumed as well, either fresh, raw, or boiled, dried or smoked, or turned into “stink eggs”. This latter preparation technique involved cleaning the eggs, layering a cedar box with skunk cabbage and filling the box with eggs, burying the box and leaving it for a month and a half. This turned the eggs into a cheese-like substance (“uusgm laan”) that was consumed with potatoes, and considered a specialty item. Water was the only allowed fluid when consuming this “stink-egg” meal. In later times, people prepared this meal and stored it in a cool place in jars. It was prepared very carefully because there had been reported cases of food poisoning. This meal was only made in either the fall or winter. Among the Squamish, once a fish was caught, the children transported each one very carefully using two cedar branches that supported the head and tail [172]. The fish were boiled in containers made from cedar, and everyone took part in the consumption of this initial feast.

Uses other than food

The Lillooet used chinook salmon skin to store salmon oil [7]. Fermented roe was used by people of the Fraser Valley as medicine [101]. The Coast Salish used the charcoal remnants of a chinook salmon’s burned jawbone to stop a child from crying [157].

Beliefs and taboos

Among the Coast Salish, it was believed that the chinook salmon was one of five salmon groups (pink, chum, Coho, sockeye, Chinook/spring) that lived together under the sea in a grand house [153]. Each group had its own spawning locations and characteristic activities that were common knowledge to all members of the Coast Salish community. The first chinook salmon was seen as a momentous occasion for the fishing season; it was regarded as performing a reconnaissance mission for all other salmon populations, and if he was not cared for properly, the rest of the salmon might be dissatisfied and decide not to surface. The fisherman who caught this first chinook salmon positioned its head upstream as a signal for the rest of the salmon to come forth. After he brought the fish to his wife, and called the village together for the “First Salmon ceremony”. In the ceremony, strict rituals were followed: the salmon was wiped down with fern leaves, slit open lengthwise with a very old ritual knife made from mussel shell or stone. The backbone and head were also taken off. Small sticks were positioned across the opened fish to stretch it out, and it was cooked over a fire. Sometimes the fish was instead broken into pieces using one’s hands, and then boiled. The end of the custom was to eat a morsel of the first salmon before the sun went down. It was reported elsewhere that the first fish of the season was held in the air by a member of the Coast Salish community, who thanked it for arriving [157]. Everyone was then invited to share in a feast, where each was given a piece of the first fish. The man who caught the fish and parents of twins were not allowed to partake in this tradition. The bones of the first fish were always thrown back into the water to ensure a good salmon run. Dogs were kept away from eating those first bones.

In a Squamish legend: “Why the Salmon came to Squamish waters”: The chinook salmon, the chief of the salmon village, agreed to allow his salmon people to visit the Squamish so they did not go hungry again [153]. His one condition was that they be very careful in making sure to throw every bone back into the water, so that his salmon people could return to him after feeding the Squamish. He said he would first send chinook salmon to start the season, then sockeye, then coho, then chum, then pink salmon. Until white people came to their community, the Squamish people were adherent to these instructions. Another report of the Squamish stated that the first chinook salmon was caught using a dip net by a fisherman who was reported to know how to talk to the salmon [172]. He shook a rattle above the water to entice the fish to the surface, while the village waited at the edge of the water. The salmon’s bones were placed back in the water, so that the fish could return to their salmon people. When the first chinook salmon returned, the remaining smoked and dried salmon from the previous year were distributed to families that needed it.

A “First Spring Ceremony” was reported to be performed by the Nuxalk [152]. Among the Gitksan and Wet’suwet’en, a story was told about the chief of the chinook salmon, who came to a young man after he had eaten a dried salmon that his mother had concealed in a wooden container [198]. The fish turned out to be the chinook salmon chief, who had been unable to restore to his natural state and had been left in an ailing state. The story demonstrated that it is important not to waste fish, and that eating the fish expresses a sign of respect towards the salmon.

Among the Bella Coola, the first chinook salmon was an important moment in their yearly cycle and very particular rites were performed upon its arrival [189]. When caught, they were positioned in the canoe with their heads pointing east, and upstream. The fisherman tied the fish to a pole at the edge of the water so that they stayed in the water. These poles were adorned with coloured and uncoloured strips of coiled cedar bark, one after the other, with an eagle tail on top. All salmon caught were kept in the water like this until the first turned soft. Each weir-owner was required to build a “Spring Salmon House” close to it. This was a building with a roof but no walls, and decorated with eagle feathers, long strips of coloured and plain cedar bark, and maple-bark spoons. After the structure had been set up, the men of the community were asked to help the fisherman. A friend of the fisherman’s directed a canoe rod at the head of the first caught salmon, and everyone present said together “xak’loi”. The fisherman crossed his hands and grabbed the first salmon, if his village was on the south side of the stream he used his left hand, which would be on the outside, to hold onto its neck and his right hand to hold onto the tail. If on the north side, he did the opposite. He would then turn towards the sun and uncross his hands so that the fish head was still facing upstream. The salmon was then brought to the “Spring Salmon House” and laid on a bed of cottonwood and willow leaves. A youthful helper adorned with coloured and uncoloured cedar bark removed from his left arm a long piece of cedar bark and put it over the salmon’s mouth, while stating, “Accept O Salmon”. He then blew the feathers of an eagle over the salmon. This entire process was repeated, with each salmon positioned so its head was touching the previous salmon’s tail, until all of the fish were in a line in the “Spring Salmon House”. Preparation of these fish involved slicing them with knives made from shell, and cooking every last piece of the fish, wasting nothing. All leaves and cedar bark involved in this salmon ceremony and preparation were put into the river. The men sat themselves facing each other across a mat made from bark, each with a spoon made form bark. The fisherman would bring out the heads of the first salmon, and all the men pretended to eat, although these were actually dried and stored. He then brought out the salmon flesh, which was served to everyone. Each man would leave what he couldn’t consume to one side, as if to take it with him, but which was left there overnight. This was custom at any feast. The backbone of the salmon, with the meat still intact was then served to everyone. Each man again would leave what he couldn’t consume to one side, as if to take it with him, but which was left there overnight. The next day, the men were invited back to the shelter for a similar meal. This time the men took their uneaten portions home to their women and families. Women who were able to have children were prohibited from the “Spring Salmon House”, until the month of August, when, as reported, “the sun’s shadow reached a diagonal scar on the slope of one of the mountains on the north side of North Bentinck Arm”. They were also prohibited from the river’s edge. After this occurrence, there was no more exclaiming “xak’loi”, and women, excluding those who were still “taboo”, were allowed to prepare salmon along the river’s edge. Also after this time, salmon remains were allowed to be put into the river. For the Indigenous People of Kimsquit, a comparable ceremony was followed, with a difference being that four dead swans were laid in the “Spring Salmon House”, and the young man who laid the piece of cedar-bark on the salmon would also bite the fish.

Atlantic Salmon

A variety of cultures are reported to have consumed Atlantic salmon, including the Micmac (Mi’kmaq) of Richibucto [200] and Conne River [201], the Thule (prehistoric Inuit) of Greenland [202], Beothuk of Newfoundland [203], Inuit of Ungava Bay [204] and Makkovik [205], and other cultures from the east coast [150]. It was mainly available to Labrador Inuit of the early contact period in Annakhtalik Brook [206], and to the people of the Northeast coast in New England streams [32]. First Nations in Ontario fished for Atlantic salmon in Lake Ontario [207].

The Micmac of Conne River consumed Atlantic salmon throughout the year, but mainly during the months of June and July [201]; Ungava Bay Inuit fished during August and September [204]. The Micmac of Richibucto fished in June, during the night from canoes, using “leisters” and torches made from birch bark [200]. The Beothuk of Newfoundland fished during the month of June using spears [203], whereas Labrador Inuit of the early contact period used nets to fish for Atlantic salmon [206].

The people of the Northeast coast smoked Atlantic salmon for later consumption [32]. The Beothuk of Newfoundland consumed the fish fresh, but also dried and smoked it for later consumption [203]. They smoked salmon in houses built specifically to facilitate air and smoke circulation.
 

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